Here is a short video clip of Hitler's Returning Fire
speech. German with English subs. Scroll down for the entire
transcript.
It follows the English translation of the full text transcript of
Adolf Hitler's Returning Fire speech, delivered
before the Reichstag in Berlin, Germany - September 1, 1939.
For months we have
been suffering under the torture of a problem
which the Versailles Diktat created - a problem
which has deteriorated until it becomes
intolerable for us. Danzig was and is a German
city. The Corridor was and is German. Both these
territories owe their cultural development
exclusively to the German people. Danzig was
separated from us, the Corridor was annexed by
Poland. As in other German territories of the
East, all German minorities living there have
been ill-treated in the most distressing manner.
More than 1,000,000 people of German blood had
in the years 1919-1920 to leave their homeland.
As always, I attempted to bring about, by the
peaceful method of making proposals for
revision, an alteration of this intolerable
position. It is a lie when the outside world
says that we only tried to carry through our
revisions by pressure. Fifteen years before the
National Socialist Party came to power there was
the opportunity of carrying out these revisions
by peaceful settlements and understanding. On my
own initiative I have, not once but several
times, made proposals for the revision of
intolerable conditions. All these proposals, as
you know, have been rejected - proposals for
limitation of armaments and even, if necessary,
disarmament, proposals for limitation of
war making, proposals for the elimination of
certain methods of modern warfare. You know the
proposals that I have made to fulfill the
necessity of restoring German sovereignty over
German territories. You know the endless
attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and
understanding of the problem of Austria, and
later of the problem of the Sudetenland,
Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain.
It is impossible to demand that an impossible
position should be cleared up by peaceful
revision and at the same time constantly reject
peaceful revision. It is also impossible to say
that he who undertakes to carry out these
revisions for himself transgresses a law, since
the Versailles Diktat is not law to us. A
signature was forced out of us with pistols at
our head and with the threat of hunger for
millions of people. And then this document, with
our signature, obtained by force, was proclaimed
as a solemn law.
In the same way, I have also tried to solve the
problem of Danzig, the Corridor, etc., by
proposing a peaceful discussion. That the
problems had to be solved was clear. It is quite
understandable to us that the time when the
problem was to be solved had little interest for
the Western Powers. But that time is not a
matter of indifference to us. Moreover, it was
not and could not be a matter of indifference to
those who suffer most.
In my talks with Polish statesmen I discussed
the ideas which you recognize from my last
speech to the Reichstag. No one could say that
this was in any way an inadmissible procedure on
undue pressure. I then naturally formulated at
last the German proposals, and I must once more
repeat that there is nothing more modest or
loyal than these proposals. I should like to say
this to the world. I alone was in the position
to make such proposal, for I know very well that
in doing so I brought myself into opposition to
millions of Germans. These proposals have been
refused. Not only were they answered first with
mobilization, but with increased terror and
pressure against our German compatriots and with
a slow strangling of the Free City of Danzig -
economically, politically, and in recent weeks
by military and transport means.
Poland has directed its attacks against the Free
City of Danzig. Moreover, Poland was not
prepared to settle the Corridor question in a
reasonable way which would be equitable to both
parties, and she did not think of keeping her
obligations to minorities.
I must here state something definitely; German
has kept these obligations; the minorities who
live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman
can stand up and say that any Frenchman living
in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or
deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this.
For four months I have calmly watched
developments, although I never ceased to give
warnings. In the last few days I have increased
these warnings. I informed the Polish Ambassador
three weeks ago that if Poland continued to send
to Danzig notes in the form of ultimata, and if
on the Polish side an end was not put to Customs
measures destined to ruin Danzig's trade, then
the Reich could not remain inactive. I left no
doubt that people who wanted to compare the
Germany of to-day with the former Germany would
be deceiving themselves.
An attempt was made to justify the oppression of
the Germans by claiming that they had committed
acts of provocation. I do not know in what these
provocations on the part of women and children
consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in
some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no
great Power can with honor long stand by
passively and watch such events.
I made one more final effort to accept a
proposal for mediation on the part of the
British Government. They proposed, not that they
themselves should carry on the negotiations, but
rather that Poland and Germany should come into
direct contact and once more pursue
negotiations.
I must declare that I accepted this proposal,
and I worked out a basis for these negotiations
which are known to you. For two whole days I sat
in my Government and waited to see whether it
was convenient for the Polish Government to send
a plenipotentiary or not. Last night they did
not send us a plenipotentiary, but instead
informed us through their Ambassador that they
were still considering whether and to what
extent they were in a position to go into the
British proposals. The Polish Government also
said that they would inform Britain of their
decision.
Deputies, if the German Government and its
Leader patiently endured such treatment Germany
would deserve only to disappear from the
political stage. But I am wrongly judged if my
love of peace and my patience are mistaken for
weakness or even cowardice. I, therefore,
decided last night and informed the British
Government that in these circumstances I can no
longer find any willingness on the part of the
Polish Government to conduct serious
negotiations with us.
These proposals for mediation have failed
because in the meanwhile there, first of all,
came as an answer the sudden Polish general
mobilization, followed by more Polish
atrocities. These were again repeated last
night. Recently in one night there were as many
as twenty-one frontier incidents: last night
there were fourteen, of which three were quite
serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to
Poland in the same language that Poland for
months past has used toward us. This attitude on
the part of the Reich will not change.
The other European States understand in part our
attitude. I should like here above all to thank
Italy, which throughout has supported us, but
you will understand that for the carrying on of
this struggle we do not intend to appeal to
foreign help. We will carry out this task
ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of
their neutrality, just as we had already
guaranteed it to them.
When statesmen in the West declare that this
affects their interests, I can only regret such
a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me
hesitate to fulfill my duty. What more is
wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I
repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western
States and never will ask anything. I have
declared that the frontier between France and
Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly
offered friendship and, if necessary, the
closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot
be offered from one side only. It must find
response on the other side. Germany has no
interests in the West, and our western wall is
for all time the frontier of the Reich on the
west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind
there for the future. With this assurance we are
in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not
violate their neutrality we will likewise take
every care to respect it.
I am happy particularly to be able to tell you
of one event. You know that Russia and Germany
are governed by two different doctrines. There
was only one question that had to be cleared up.
Germany has no intention of exporting its
doctrine. Given the fact that Soviet Russia has
no intention of exporting its doctrine to
Germany, I no longer see any reason why we
should still oppose one another. On both sides
we are clear on that. Any struggle between our
people would only be of advantage to others. We
have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact
which rules out for ever any use of violence
between us. It imposes the obligation on us to
consult together in certain European questions.
It makes possible for us economic co-operation,
and above all it assures that the powers of both
these powerful States are not wasted against one
another. Every attempt of the West to bring
about any change in this will fail.
At the same time I should like here to declare
that this political decision means a tremendous
departure for the future, and that it is a final
one. Russia and Germany fought against one
another in the World War. That shall and will
not happen a second time. In Moscow, too, this
pact was greeted exactly as you greet it. I can
only endorse word for word the speech of Russian
Foreign Commissar, Molotov.
I am determined to solve (1) the Danzig
question; (2) the question of the Corridor; and
(3) to see to it that a change is made in the
relationship between Germany and Poland that
shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I
am resolved to continue to fight until either
the present Polish government is willing to
continue to bring about this change or until
another Polish Government is ready to do so. I
am resolved t remove from the German frontiers
the element of uncertainty, the everlasting
atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I
will see to it that in the East there is, on the
frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on
our other frontiers.
In this I will take the necessary measures to se
that they do not contradict the proposals I have
already made known in the Reichstag itself to
the rest of the world, that is to say, I will
not war against women and children. I have
ordered my air force to restrict itself to
attacks on military objectives. If, however, the
enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche
on his side to fight by the other methods he
will receive an answer that will deprive him of
hearing and sight.
This night for the first time Polish regular
soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5.45 A.M.
we have been returning the fire, and from now on
bombs will be met by bombs. Whoever fight with
poison gas will be fought with poison gas.
Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare
can only expect that we shall do the same. I
will continue this struggle, no matter against
whom, until the safety of the Reich and its
rights are secured.
For six years now I have been working on the
building up of the German defenses. Over 90
millions have in that time been spent on the
building up of these defense forces. They are
now the best equipped and are above all
comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust
in them is unshakable. When I called up these
forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the
German people and if necessary every sacrifice,
then I have a right to do so, for I also am
to-day absolutely ready, just as we were
formerly, to make every possible sacrifice.
I am asking of no German man more than I myself
was ready throughout four years at any time to
do. There will be no hardships for Germans to
which I myself will not submit. My whole life
henceforth belongs more than ever to my people.
I am from now on just first soldier of the
German Reich. I have once more put on that coat
that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will
not take it off again until victory is secured,
or I will not survive the outcome.
Should anything happen to me in the struggle
then my first successor is Party Comrade Goring;
should anything happen to Party Comrade Goring
my next successor is Party Comrade Hess. You
would then be under obligation to give to them
as Fuhrer the same blind loyalty and obedience
as to myself. Should anything happen to Party
Comrade Hess, then by law the Senate will be
called, and will choose from its midst the most
worthy - that is to say the bravest - successor.
As a National Socialist and as German soldier I
enter upon this struggle with a stout heart. My
whole life has been nothing but one long
struggle for my people, for its restoration, and
for Germany. There was only one watchword for
that struggle: faith in this people. One word I
have never learned: that is, surrender.
If, however, anyone thinks that we are facing a
hard time, I should ask him to remember that
once a Prussian King, with a ridiculously small
State, opposed a stronger coalition, and in
three wars finally came out successful because
that State had that stout heart that we need in
these times. I would, therefore, like to assure
all the world that a November 1918 will never be
repeated in German history. Just as I myself am
ready at any time to stake my life - anyone can
take it for my people and for Germany - so I ask
the same of all others.
Whoever, however, thinks he can oppose this
national command, whether directly of
indirectly, shall fall. We have nothing to do
with traitors. We are all faithful to our old
principle. It is quite unimportant whether we
ourselves live, but it is essential that our
people shall live, that Germany shall live. The
sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater
than the sacrifice that many generations have
made. If we form a community closely bound
together by vows, ready for anything, resolved
never to surrender, then our will will master
every hardship and difficulty.
And I would like
to close with the declaration that I once made
when I began the struggle for power in the
Reich. I then said: "If our will is so strong
that no hardship and suffering can subdue it,
then our will and our German might shall
prevail.
Also called the
Persian Wars, the Greco-Persian Wars were
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449 BC. Greece won against enormous odds. Here
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