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The History of Herodotus: Page 29
Volume Two - Book V
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67. Now in these things it seems to me that this Cleisthenes was
imitating his mother's father Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon: for
Cleisthenes when he went to war with Argos first caused to cease in
Sikyon the contests of rhapsodists, which were concerned with the
poems of Homer, because Argives and Argos are celebrated in them
almost everywhere; then secondly, since there was (as still there is)
in the market-place itself of the Sikyonians a hero-temple of Adrastos
the son of Talaos, Cleisthenes had a desire to cast him forth out of
the land, because he was an Argive.
So having come to Delphi he
consulted the Oracle as to whether he should cast out Adrastos; and
the Pythian prophetess answered him saying that Adrastos was king of
the Sikyonians, whereas he was a stoner [55] of them.
So since the god
did not permit him to do this, he went away home and considered means
by which Adrastos should be brought to depart of his own accord: and
when he thought that he had discovered them, he sent to Thebes in
Botia and said that he desired to introduce into his city Melanippos
the son of Astacos, and the Thebans gave him leave.
So Cleisthenes
introduced Melanippos into his city, and appointed for him a sacred
enclosure within the precincts of the City Hall [56] itself, and
established him there in the strongest position.
Now Cleisthenes
introduced Melanippos (for I must relate this also) because he was the
greatest enemy of Adrastos, seeing that he had killed both his brother
Mekisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus: and when he had appointed the
sacred enclosure for him, he took away the sacrifices and festivals of
Adrastos and gave them to Melanippos.
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Now the Sikyonians were
accustomed to honour Adrastos with very great honours; for this land
was formerly the land of Polybos, and Adrastos was daughter's son to
Polybos, and Polybos dying without sons gave his kingdom to Adrastos:
the Sikyonians then not only gave other honours to Adrastos, but also
with reference to his sufferings they specially honoured him with
tragic choruses, not paying the honour to Dionysos but to Adrastos.
Cleisthenes however gave back the choruses to Dionysos, and the other
rites besides this he gave to Melannipos.
68. Thus he had done to Adrastos; and he also changed the names of the Dorian tribes, in order
that the Sikyonians might not have the same tribes as the Argives; in
which matter he showed great contempt of the Sikyonians, for the names
he gave were taken from the names of a pig and an ass by changing only
the endings, except in the case of his own tribe, to which he gave a
name from his own rule. These last then were called Archelaoi,[57]
while of the rest those of one tribe were called Hyatai,[58] of
another Oneatai,[59] and of the remaining tribe Choireatai.[60] These
names of tribes were used by the men of Sikyon not only in the reign
of Cleisthenes, but also beyond that for sixty years after his death;
then however they considered the matter and changed them into Hylleis,
Pamphyloi, and Dymanatai, adding to these a fourth, to which they gave
the name Aigialeis after Aigialeus the son of Adrastos.
69. Thus had the Cleisthenes of Sikyon done: and the Athenian
Cleisthenes, who was his daughter's son and was called after him,
despising, as I suppose, the Ionians, as he the Dorians, imitated his
namesake Cleisthenes in order that the Athenians might not have the
same tribes as the Ionians: for when at the time of which we speak he
added to his own party the whole body of the common people of the
Athenians, which in former time he had despised,[61] he changed the
names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been;
he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also
he distributed the demes in the tribes; and having added the common
people to his party he was much superior to his opponents.
70. Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in
opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the
Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since
the siege of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was accused
of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent
a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him
many others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the
curse:[62] this message he sent by instruction of Isagoras, for the
Alcmaionidai and their party were accused of the murder to which
reference was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it.
71. Now the men of the Athenians who were "under the curse" got this
name as follows:--there was one Kylon among the Athenians, a man who
had gained the victory at the Olympic games: this man behaved with
arrogance, wishing to make himself despot; and having formed for
himself an association of men of his own age, he endeavoured to seize
the Acropolis: but not being able to get possession of it, he sat down
as a suppliant before the image of the goddess.[63] These men were
taken from their place as suppliants by the presidents of the
naucraries, who then administered affairs at Athens, on the condition
that they should be liable to any penalty short of death; and the
Alcmaionidai are accused of having put them to death. This had
occurred before the time of Peisistratos.
72. Now when Cleomenes sent
demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse,
Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after that nevertheless
Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having
arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian
families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names. Having
done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the
offices of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the
partisans of Isagoras. The Senate however making opposition, and not
being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans
seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together
by common consent and besieged them for two days; and on the third day
so many of them as were Lacedemonians departed out of the country
under a truce. Thus was accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying
which was uttered to him: for when he had ascended the Acropolis with
the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary
of the goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood
up from her seat before he had passed through the door, and said,
"Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the temple, for it
is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither." He said: "Woman, I am
not a Dorian, but an Achaian." So then, paying no attention to the
ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again with
the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the Athenians laid in bonds
to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with
regard to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and
courage which he performed.
73. These then having been thus laid in
bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after this sent for
Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven hundred families which
had been driven out by Cleomenes: and then they sent envoys to Sardis,
desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for they were well
assured that the Lacedemonians and Cleomenes had been utterly made
their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying
that which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of
Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what men these were who
requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they
dwelt; and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer
to them thus, saying that if the Athenians were willing to give earth
and water to Dareios, he was willing to make alliance with them, but
if not, he bade them begone: and the envoys taking the matter upon
themselves said that they were willing to do so, because they desired
to make the alliance.
74. These, when they returned to their own land,
were highly censured: and Cleomenes meanwhile, conceiving that he had
been outrageously dealt with by the Athenians both with words and with
deeds, was gathering together an army from the whole of the
Peloponnese, not declaring the purpose for which he was gathering it,
but desiring to take vengeance on the people of the Athenians, and
intending to make Isagoras despot; for he too had come out of the
Acropolis together with Cleomenes. Cleomenes then with a large army
entered Eleusis, while at the same time the Botians by agreement with
him captured Oinoe and Hysiai, the demes which lay upon the extreme
borders of Attica, and the Chalkidians on the other side invaded and
began to ravage various districts of Attica. The Athenians then,
though attacked on more sides than one, thought that they would
remember the Botians and Chalkidians afterwards, and arrayed
themselves against the Peloponnesians who were in Eleusis.
75. Then as
the armies were just about the join battle, the Corinthians first,
considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly, changed
their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of Ariston
did the same, who was king of the Spartans as well as Cleomenes,
though he had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon
and had not been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In
consequence of this dissension a law was laid down at Sparta that it
should not be permitted, when an army went out, that both the kings
should go with it, for up to this time both used to go with it, and
that as one of the kings was set free from service, so one of the sons
of Tyndareus[64] also should be left behind; for before this time both
of these two were called upon by them for help and went with the
armies.
76. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies,
seeing that the kings of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that
the Corinthians had deserted their place in the ranks, themselves too
departed and got them away quickly. And this was the fourth time that
the Dorians had come to Attica, twice having invaded it to make war
against it, and twice to help the mass of the Athenian people,--first
when they at the same time colonised Megara (this expedition may
rightly be designated as taking place when Codros was king of the
Athenians), for the second and third times when they came making
expeditions from Sparta to drive out the sons of Peisistratos, and
fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes at the head of the
Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians invaded Athens then
for the fourth time.
77. This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians
after that, desiring to avenge themselves, made expedition first
against the Chalkidians; and the Botians came to the Euripos to help
the Chalkidians. The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come
to help,[64a] resolved first to attack the Botians before the
Chalkidians. Accordingly they engaged battle with the Botians, and
had much the better of them, and after having slain very many they
took seven hundred of them captive. On this very same day the
Athenians passed over into Euba and engaged battle with the
Chalkidians as well; and having conquered these also, they left four
thousand holders of allotments in the land belonging to the "Breeders
of Horses":[65] now the wealthier of the Chalkidians were called the
Breeders of Horses. And as many of them as they took captive, they
kept in confinement together with the Botians who had been captured,
bound with fetters; and then after a time they let them go, having
fixed their ransom at two pounds of silver apiece:[66] but their
fetters, in which they had been bound, they hung up on the Acropolis;
and these were still existing even to my time hanging on walls which
had been scorched with fire by the Mede,[67] and just opposite the
sanctuary which lies towards the West. The tenth part of the ransom
also they dedicated for an offering, and made of it a four-horse
chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as you enter the
Propylaia in the Acropolis, and on it is the following inscription:
"Matched in the deeds of war with the tribes of Botia and Chalkis
The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered and tamed them in fight:
In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit;
And to Athene present these, of their ransom a tithe."
78. The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident,
not by one instance only but in every way, that Equality[68] is an
excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots
were not better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas
after they had got rid of despots they became far the first. This
proves that when they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because
they were working for a master, whereas when they had been set free
each one was eager to achieve something for himself.
79. These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to
the god, desiring to be avenged on the Athenians; the Pythian
prophetess however said that vengeance was not possible for them by
their own strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the
"many-voiced" and ask help of those who were "nearest" to them. So
when those who were sent to consult the Oracle returned, they made a
general assembly and reported the oracle; and then the Thebans heard
them say that they were to ask help of those who were nearest to them,
they said: "Surely those who dwell nearest to us are the men of
Tanagra and Coroneia and Thespiai; and these always fight zealously on
our side and endure the war with us to the end: what need is there
that we ask of these? Rather perhaps that is not the meaning of the
oracle."
80. While they commented upon it thus, at length one
perceived that which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to
have had two daughters born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are
sisters, I think that the god gave us for answer that we should ask
the men of Egina to become our helpers." Then as there seemed to be no
opinion expressed which was better than this, they sent forthwith and
asked the men of Egina to help them, calling upon them in accordance
with the oracle; and they, when these made request, said that they
sent with them the sons of Aiacos to help them.
81. After that the
Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance of the sons of Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians, sent again
and gave them back the sons of Aiacos and asked them for men. So the
Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an ancient
grudge against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans
commenced a war against the Athenians without notice: for while the
Athenians were intent on the Botians, they sailed against them to
Attica with ships of war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many
demes in the remainder of the coast region, and so doing they deeply
stirred the resentment of the Athenians.[69]
82. Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the
Athenians came about from a beginning which was as follows:--The land
of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and
accordingly with reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to
inquire at Delphi, and the Pythian prophetess bade them set up images
of Damia and Auxesia, and said that when they had set up these, they
would meet with better fortune. The Epidaurians then asked further
whether they should make images of bronze or of stone; and the
prophetess bade them not use either of these, but make them of the
wood of a cultivated olive-tree. The Epidaurians therefore asked the
Athenians to allow them to cut for themselves an olive-tree, since
they thought that their olives were the most sacred; nay some say that
at that time there were no olives in any part of the earth except at
Athens. The Athenians said that they would allow them on condition
that they should every year bring due offerings to Athene Polias[70]
and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians, then, having agreed to these
terms, obtained that which they asked, and they made images out of
these olive-trees and set them up: and their land bore fruit and they
continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed
to do.
83. Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans
were subject to the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were
wont to pass over to Epidauros to have their disputes with one another
settled by law:[71] but after this time they built for themselves
ships and made revolt from the Epidaurians, moved thereto by
wilfulness. So as they were at variance with them, they continued to
inflict damage on them, since in fact they had command of the sea, and
especially they stole away from them these images of Damia and
Auxesia, and they brought them and set them up in the inland part of
their country at a place called Oia, which is about twenty furlongs
distant from their city. Having set them up in this spot they
worshipped them with sacrifices and choruses of women accompanied with
scurrilous jesting, ten men being appointed for each of the deities to
provide the choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no man, but only
of the women of the place. Now the Epidaurians also had the same
rites; and they have also rites which may not be divulged.
84. These
images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer continued to
fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed. The Athenians
accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the Epidaurians; and
they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for during the
time when they had the images in their country they continued to
fulfil that which they had agreed upon, but since they had been
deprived of them, it was not just that they should make the offerings
any more; and they bade them demand these from the men of Egina, who
had the images. So the Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images
back; but the Eginetans said that they had nothing to do with the
Athenians.
85. The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were despatched those of their citizens who were sent by the State after
this demand; who having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off
their pedestals the images, (alleging that they were made of wood
which belonged to the Athenians), in order to carry them back with
them: but not being able to get hold of them in this manner (say the
Athenians) they threw ropes round them and were pulling them, when
suddenly, as they pulled, thunder came on and an earthquake at the
same time with the thunder; and the crew of the trireme who were
pulling were made beside themselves by these, and being brought to
this condition they killed one another as if they were enemies, until
at last but one of the whole number was left; and he returned alone to
Phaleron.
86. Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass: but the Eginetans say that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians
came; for a single ship, and even a few more than one, they could have
easily repelled, even if they had not happened to have ships of their
own: but they say that the Athenians sailed upon their country with a
large fleet of ships, and they gave way before them and did not fight
a sea-battle. They cannot however declare with certainty whether they
gave way thus because they admitted that they were not strong enough
to fight the battle by sea, or because they intended to do something
of the kind which they actually did. The Athenians then, they say, as
no one met them in fight, landed from their ships and made for the
images; but not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at
last they threw ropes round them and began to pull, until the images,
as they were being pulled, did both the same thing (and here they
report something which I cannot believe, but some other man may), for
they say that the images fell upon their knees to them and that they
continue to be in that position ever since this time. The Athenians,
they say, were doing thus; and meanwhile they themselves (say the
Eginetans), being informed that the Athenians were about to make an
expedition against them, got the Argives to help them; and just when
the Athenians had disembarked upon the Eginetan land, the Argives had
come to their rescue, and not having been perceived when they passed
over from Epidauros to the island, they fell upon the Athenians before
these had heard anything of the matter, cutting them off secretly from
the way to their ships; and at this moment it was that the thunder and
the earthquake came upon them.
87. This is the report which is given
by the Argives and Eginetans both, and it is admitted by the Athenians
also that but one alone of them survived and came back to Attica: only
the Argives say that this one remained alive from destruction wrought
by them upon the army of Athens, while the Athenians say that the
divine power was the destroyer. However, even this one man did not
remain alive, but perished, they say, in the following manner:--when
he returned to Athens he reported the calamity which had happened; and
the wives of the men who had gone on the expedition to Egina, hearing
it and being very indignant that he alone of all had survived, came
round this man and proceeded to stab him with the brooches of their
mantles, each one of them asking of him where her husband was. Thus he
was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed that the deed of the women
was a much more terrible thing even than the calamity which had
happened; and not knowing, it is said, how they should punish the
women in any other way, they changed their fashion of dress to that of
Ionia,--for before this the women of the Athenians wore Dorian dress,
very like that of Corinth,--they changed it therefore to the linen
tunic, in order that they might not have use for brooches.
88. In
truth however this fashion of dress is not Ionian originally but Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was
universally the same as that which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is
said that with reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans
made it a custom among themselves in both countries[72] to have the
brooches made half as large again as the size which was then
established in use, and that their women should offer brooches
especially in the temple of these goddesses,[73] and also that they
should carry neither pottery of Athens nor anything else of Athenian
make to the temple, but that it should be the custom for the future to
drink there from pitchers made in the lands themselves.
89. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards
because of the quarrel with the Athenians continued to wear brooches
larger than before, and still do so even to my time; and the origin of
the enmity of the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner
which has been said. So at this time, when the Thebans invaded them,
the Eginetans readily came to the assistance of the Botians, calling
to mind what occurred about the images. The Eginetans then were laying
waste, as I have said, the coast regions of Attica; and when the
Athenians were resolved to make an expedition against the Eginetans,
an oracle came to them from Delphi bidding them stay for thirty years
reckoned from the time of the wrong done by the Eginetans, and in the
one-and-thirtieth year to appoint a sacred enclosure for Aiacos and
then to begin the war against the Eginetans, and they would succeed as
they desired; but if they should make an expedition against them at
once, they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and also
inflict very much, but at last they would subdue them. When the
Athenians heard the report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure
for Aiacos, namely that which is now established close to the market-
place, but they could not endure to hear that they must stay for
thirty years, when they had suffered injuries from the Eginetans.
90.
While however they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose
from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance to them: for the
Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the
Alcmaionidai with respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which
had been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against themselves and
the sons of Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they
had driven out into exile men who were their guest-friends, but also
because after they had done this no gratitude was shown to them by the
Athenians. Moreover in addition to this, they were urged on by the
oracles which said that many injuries would be suffered by them from
the Athenians; of which oracles they had not been aware of before, but
they had come to know them, since Cleomenes had brought them to
Sparta. In fact Cleomenes had obtained from the Acropolis of the
Athenians those oracles which the sons of Peisistratos possessed
before and had left in the temple when they were driven out; and
Cleomenes recovered them after they had been left behind.
91. At this
time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles and when
they saw that the Athenians were increasing in power and were not at
all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian race now
that it was free was becoming [74] a match for their own, whereas when
held down by despots it was weak and ready to be ruled,--perceiving, I
say, all these things, they sent for Hippias the son of Peisistratos
to come from Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of
Peisistratos go for refuge;[75] and when Hippias had come upon the
summons, the Spartans sent also for envoys to come from their other
allies and spoke to them as follows: "Allies, we are conscious within
ourselves that we have not acted rightly; for incited by counterfeit
oracles we drove out into exile men who were very closely united with
us as guest-friends and who undertook the task of rendering Athens
submissive to us, and then after having done this we delivered over
the State to a thankless populace, which so soon as it had raised its
head, having been freed by our means drove out us and our king with
wanton outrage; and now exalted with pride[76] it is increasing in
power, so that the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the
Botians and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others
also will afterwards learn, that they committed an error.[76a] As
however we erred in doing those things of which we have spoken, we
will try now to take vengeance on them, going thither together with
you;[77] since it was for this very purpose that we sent for Hippias,
whom ye see here, and for you also, to come from your cities, in order
that with common counsel and a common force we might conduct him to
Athens and render back to him that which we formerly took away."
92. Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of
their words. The rest however kept silence, but the Corinthian
Socles[78] spoke as follows: (a) "Surely now the heaven shall be below
the earth, and the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men
shall have their dwelling in the sea, and fishes shall have that
habitation which men had before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are
doing away with free governments[79] and are preparing to bring back
despotism again into our cities, than which there is no more unjust or
more murderous thing among men. For if in truth this seems to you to
be good, namely that the cities should be ruled by despots, do ye
yourselves first set up a despot in your own State, and then endeavour
to establish them also for others: but as it is, ye are acting
unfairly towards your allies, seeing that ye have had no experience of
despots yourselves and provide with the greatest care at Sparta that
this may never come to pass. If however ye had had experience of it,
as we have had, ye would be able to contribute juster opinions of it
than at present. (b) For the established order of the Corinthian State
was this:--the government was an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who
were called Bacchiadai, had control over the State and made marriages
among themselves.[80] Now one of these men, named Amphion, had a
daughter born to him who was lame, and her name was Labda. This
daughter, since none of the Bacchiadai wished to marry her, was taken
to wife by Aėtion the son of Echecrates, who was of the deme of Petra,
but by original descent a Lapith and of the race of Caineus. Neither
from this wife nor from another were children born to him, therefore
he set out to Delphi to inquire about offspring; and as he entered,
forthwith the prophetess addressed him in these lines:
"'Much to be honoured art thou, yet none doth render thee honour.[81]
Labda conceives, and a rolling rock will she bear, which shall ruin
Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.'
This answer given to Aėtion was by some means reported to the
Bacchiadai, to whom the oracle which had come to Corinth before this
was not intelligible, an oracle which had reference to the same thing
as that of Aėtion and said thus:
"'An eagle conceives in the rocks[82] and shall bear a ravening lion,
Strong and fierce to devour, who the knees of many shall loosen.
Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling
Lies about fair Peirene's spring and in craggy Corinthos.'
(c) This oracle, I say, having come before to the Bacchiadai was
obscure; but afterwards when they heard that which had come to Aėtion,
forthwith they understood the former also, that it was in accord with
that of Aėtion; and understanding this one also they kept quiet,
desiring to destroy the offspring which should be born to Aėtion.
Then, so soon as his wife bore a child, they sent ten of their own
number to the deme in which Aėtion had his dwelling, to slay the
child; and when these had come to Petra and had passed into the court
of Aėtion's house, they asked for the child; and Labda, not knowing
anything of the purpose for which they had come, and supposing them to
be asking for the child on account of friendly feeling towards its
father, brought it and placed it in the hands of one of them. Now
they, it seems, had resolved by the way that the first of them who
received the child should dash it upon the ground. However, when Labda
brought and gave it, it happened by divine providence that the child
smiled at the man who had received it; and when he perceived this, a
feeling of compassion prevented him from killing it, and having this
compassion he delivered it to the next man, and he to the third. Thus
it passed through the hands of all the ten, delivered from one to
another, since none of them could bring himself to destroy its life.
So they gave the child back to its mother and went out; and then
standing by the doors they abused and found fault with one another,
laying blame especially on the one who had first received the child,
because he had not done according to that which had been resolved;
until at last after some time they determined again to enter and all
to take a share in the murder. (d) From the offspring of Aėtion
however it was destined that evils should spring up for Corinth: for
Labda was listening to all this as she stood close by the door, and
fearing lest they should change their mind and take the child a second
time and kill it, she carried it and concealed it in the place which
seemed to her the least likely to be discovered, that is to say a
corn-chest,[84] feeling sure that if they should return and come to a
search, they were likely to examine everything: and this in fact
happened. So when they had come, and searching had failed to find it,
they thought it best to return and say to those who had sent them that
they had done all that which they had been charged by them to do. (e)
They then having departed said this; and after this the son of Aėtion
grew, and because he had escaped this danger, the name of Kypselos was
given him as a surname derived from the corn-chest. Then when Kypselos
had grown to manhood and was seeking divination, a two-edged[85]
answer was given him at Delphi, placing trust in which he made an
attempt upon Corinth and obtained possession of it. Now the answer was
as follows:
"'Happy is this man's lot of a truth, who enters my dwelling,
Offspring of Aėtion, he shall rule in famous Corinthos,
Kypselos, he and his sons, but his children's children no longer.'
Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of
this character,--many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he
deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And
when he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a
prosperous end, his son Periander became his successor in the
despotism. Now Periander at first was milder than his father; but
after he had had dealings through messengers with Thrasybulos the
despot of Miletos, he became far more murderous even than Kypselos.
For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and asked what settlement of
affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best
govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the messenger who had come
from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing
corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and
asking questions repeatedly[86] of the messenger about the occasion of
his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears
of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their
heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the
finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the
place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the
messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was
anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that
Thrasybulos had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at
the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was
out of his senses and a waster of his own goods,--relating at the same
time that which he had seen Thrasybulos do. (g) So Periander,
understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulos
counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his
subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the
citizens of the State; for whatsoever Kypselos had left undone in
killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in one
day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on
account of his own wife Melissa. For when he had sent messengers to
the Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead
about a deposit made with him by a guest-friend, Melissa appeared and
said she would not tell in what place the deposit was laid, for she
was cold and had no clothes, since those which he had buried with her
were of no use to her, not having been burnt; and this, she said,
would be an evidence to him that she was speaking the truth, namely
that when the oven was cold, Periander had put his loaves into it.
When the report of this was brought back to Periander, the token made
him believe, because he had had commerce with Melissa after she was
dead; and straightway after receiving the message he caused
proclamation to be made that all the wives of the Corinthians should
come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival
in their fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his
guard in ambush, stripped them all alike, both the free women and
their attendant; and having gathered together all their clothes in a
place dug out, he set fire to them, praying at the same time to
Melissa. Then after he had done this and had sent a second time, the
apparition of Melissa told him in what spot he had laid the deposit
entrusted to him by his guest-friend.
"Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are
its deeds: and we Corinthians marvelled much at first when we saw that
ye were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more because ye
say these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas,
not to establish despotisms in the cities. If however ye will not
cease from your design, but endeavour to restore Hippias contrary to
that which is just, know that the Corinthians at least do not give
their consent to that which ye do."
93. Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made
answer to him, calling to witness the same gods as he, that assuredly
the Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons
of Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to
be troubled by the Athenians. Thus Hippias made answer, being
acquainted with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the
rest of the allies, who for a time had restrained themselves and kept
silence, when they heard Socles speak freely, gave utterance every one
of them to that which they felt, and adopted the opinion of the
Corinthian envoy, adjuring the Lacedemonians not to do any violence to
a city of Hellas.
94. Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from
thence had Anthemus offered to him by Amyntas king of the Macedonians
and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these,
but retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by
force of arms from the Mytilenians, and having got possession of it,
had appointed his own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive
woman, to be despot of it: he however did not without a struggle keep
possession of that which he received from Peisistratos; for the
Mytilenians and Athenians carried on war for a long time, having their
strongholds respectively at Achilleion and at Sigeion, the one side
demanding that the place be restored to them, and the Athenians on the
other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by argument that the
Aiolians had no better claim to the territory of Ilion than they and
the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in exacting
vengeance for the rape of Helen.
95. Now while these carried on the
war, besides many other things of various kinds which occurred in the
battles, once when a fight took place and the Athenians were
conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight, escaped indeed
himself, but the Athenians retained possession of his arms and hung
them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion.
About this matter Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene,
reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who was his
friend. Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the
Athenians and the Mytilenians,[87] for to him they referred the matter
as arbitrator; and he made peace between them on the condition that
each should continue to occupy that territory which they then
possessed.
96. Sigeion then in this matter had come under the rule of
the Athenians. And when Hippias had returned to Asia from Lacedemon,
he set everything in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians
and Artaphrenes, and using every means to secure that Athens should
come under the rule of himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say, was
thus engaged; and the Athenians meanwhile hearing of these things sent
envoys to Sardis, and endeavoured to prevent the Persians from
following the suggestions of the exiled Athenians. Artaphrenes however
commanded them, if they desired to be preserved from ruin, to receive
Hippias back again. This proposal the Athenians were not by any means
disposed to accept when it was reported; and as they did not accept
this, it became at once a commonly received opinion among them that
they were enemies of the Persians.
97. While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the
Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away
from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this
was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And
Aristagoras came forward before the assembly of the people and said
the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there
was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how they used
neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he
said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists
from the Athenians, and that it was reasonable that the Athenians
should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was
nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request,
until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier
to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to
deceive Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to
thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded,
voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and
appointed to command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in
all things highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of
evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians.
98. Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then
having devised a plan from which no advantage was likely to come for
the Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that,
but in order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the
Piaonians who had been taken captive by Megabazos from the river
Strymon, and who were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia
apart by themselves; and when the messenger came to the Paionians he
spoke these words: "Paionians, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos sent
me to offer to you salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says;
for now all Ionia has revolted from the king and ye have an
opportunity of coming safe to your own land: to reach the sea shall be
your concern, and after this it shall be thenceforth ours." The
Paionians hearing this received it as a most welcome proposal, and
taking with them their children and their women they began a flight to
the sea; some of them however were struck with fear and remained in
the place where they were. Having come to the coast the Paionians
crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios
there arrived in their track a large body of Persian horsemen pursuing
the Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to
Chios to bid the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not
accept their proposal, but the men of Chios conveyed them from Chios
to Lesbos, and the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they
proceeded by land and came to Paionia.
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